India’s Maritime Security: Relevance of SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) in Achieving India’s Blue Water Ambitions

By Ipsha Bhalsagar

Abstract

For a littoral state, maritime security becomes a critical aspect of the state’s national security concerning its territorial sovereignty as well as its economy. Maritime security entails not only the security of regional seas, and territorial waters, but also that of rivers and ports encompassing complex issues such as national security, marine environment, economic development, and human security. Thus, posing as a multifaceted challenge to the security and growth of a nation. 

Being surrounded by the Bay of Bengal, the Arabian sea and the Indian Ocean, India has an impressive coastline. Additionally, myriad islands and islets also contribute to its rich sea wealth which has been a prominent reason behind India’s rise as a dominant power in the geopolitical landscape. However, the same fact also makes India vulnerable to threats such as drug peddling, terrorism, trafficking and other environmental threats. SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) is a renewed approach to maritime security and diplomacy in tackling these threats.

Introduced in 2015, India’s SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) vision, represents a significant shift in India’s maritime strategy and its approach to regional security in the Indian Ocean region. It marks a landmark change in India’s foreign policy as India moves away from its earlier reticent approach on the front of maritime security. This paper aims to study the relevance of SAGAR in achieving India’s bluewater ambitions. Through a comprehensive analysis of its principles, effectiveness and limitations, this paper provides insights into the policy’s contribution to India’s maritime security and the challenges to implementing it.

Introduction

As a nation blessed with a 7500 Km coastline, nearly 120 Islands, and a 2.2 Million sq km exclusive economic zone (EEZ) [1], maritime security is one of the most crucial imperatives for India’s foreign policy.  Thus, Maritime diplomacy is an instrument to safeguard maritime security and ensure the prosperity of the nation.

Maritime Diplomacy usually refers to the practice of foreign policy in oceanic waters. It is primarily aimed at leveraging sea power to secure favourable diplomatic outcomes in the national interest and encompasses a broad spectrum of activities that involve the orchestration of the navy, coast guards, and other maritime constabularies.

Despite being surrounded by the Indian Ocean, the third-largest ocean in the world, India had been diplomatically dormant in the maritime sphere following its independence. Although the liberal reforms of the 1990s brought a considerable focus on the maritime domain, India lacked a coherent and responsive maritime strategy.

Referring the Mahan’s axiom – “Whoever rules the waves, rules the world”, the vision of SAGAR (Security & Growth for All in the Region) was put forth as one of the first steps taken towards formulating a strategic maritime policy. Proposed by Prime Minister Narendra Modi in 2015, SAGAR  aims to strengthen the economic and security ties with its maritime neighbours and to make the Indian Ocean Region (IOR) become more inclusive, collaborative and cooperative with other nations respecting international law [1].

Although it has not been officially formulated or documented, SAGAR has been serving as the guiding vision for maritime diplomacy answering the need for a bolder, more dynamic, resourceful, and collaborative maritime approach. However, actually implementing this vision comes with its own set of challenges.

The Indian Ocean Region (IOR) serves as the civilisational link across the globe and is one of the most complicated geopolitical regions with the interests and conflicts of the regional as well as the extra-regional players converging at the sea. The regional players like India, Pakistan and other South Asian and African countries have both economic and strategic interests in the area with their own agenda of stability and secure governance. The extra-regional players like the US, China, and Russia have made the region more volatile by making it the new theatre of geopolitical rivalry. These nations often team up with the regional players thereby further undermining stability in the region.

This paper will evaluate the SAGAR’s need, potential, and challenges in navigating the geopolitical realities in the IOR.

SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region)

SAGAR is India’s vision and geopolitical framework of maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean region [2]. It was during Modi’s three-nation bilateral visits to Seychelles, Mauritius and Sri Lanka in March 2015 that the SAGAR vision was first shared with the world [3]. Highlighting maritime cooperation and engagement in the IOR, it signified Indian diplomacy shifting towards an active, more responsive and pragmatic maritime approach.

SAGAR aims at achieving a peaceful and stable IOR via advanced cooperation and collaborative action to ensure security and growth for all the stakeholders in the region. It involves our maritime forces to collaborate on information sharing and helping the other littoral nations in coastline surveillance, capacity building and infrastructure development including deep seaports through maritime cooperation in the Indian Ocean Region [1].

By strengthening intelligence networks, improving maritime infrastructure, and enhancing naval capabilities, it bolsters maritime security mechanisms via enhancing capacity building, resource sharing, and multilateral engagement.

Need for Maritime Diplomacy and the Relevance of SAGAR

As a rising power seeking to assert itself as a pivotal player in the global geopolitical game, India’s stakes in the oceanic waters are high. Thus, maritime diplomacy becomes crucial for India for the following reasons;

1. Blue Economy

According to the World Bank, the blue economy is the “sustainable use of ocean resources for economic growth, improved livelihoods, and jobs while preserving the health of the ocean ecosystem [4].” Thus, Blue economy would allow India to explore marine and energy resources including fish stocks, minerals, hydrocarbons, and other valuable natural resources in its EEZs. However, this requires a legal framework, monitor and control initiatives, patrolling, and extensive cooperation and partnership with the littoral states so as to peacefully and sustainably use the oceanic resources. Hence, maritime diplomacy comes in handy to deal with the negotiations and arbitrations for the same.

2. Diversify Partnerships

With the US-China rivalry taking up the Indo-Pacific stage, it is very important for India to diversify its regional partnerships and strengthen its presence in the region by bolstering the socio-economic and diplomatic ties with its maritime neighbours. This will in fact help India to reduce the growing Chinese clout and build up deterrence mechanisms against Chinese incursions by allying with other littoral states. It also becomes significant in making India more strategically independent than relying on other major powers like the US or Russia.

With the rising tensions in the geopolitical landscape, it has become the need of the hour to build resilient partnerships to ensure stability in the region by forging consensus with like-minded regional players to deter Chinese adventurism. Robust naval cooperation and cooperation mechanisms like the IORA will ensure collective regional responsibility and help India emerge as a trusted security provider in the region.

3. Maritime Security

Looking from the perspective of maritime security, the Indo-Pacific can open a front for confrontation with China apart from the existing military fronts along the border. With the growing Chinese influence in the IOR, frequent sightings of their navy, especially submarines have been making regular forays into the Indian Ocean. This has raised concerns about the ramifications on India’s maritime security and created anxiety over the future developments which has been further fuelled by China’s recent upswing relations with the Maldives which is on an ‘India Out’ campaign.

Hence, prevent Chinese adventures against India, the country needed to ensure a stronger maritime presence.

4. Trans-National Crime Prevention

Maritime diplomacy is crucial for India in the context of transnational crime control and prevention. Crimes involving transnational linkages such as piracy, drug peddling, human trafficking, smuggling, maritime terrorism, gun-running, maritime environmental crimes and similar others that pose a global threat to the world order and the well-being of the populace across the globe.

As a growing power, India needs to ensure that it is capable of wielding its powers to counter these forces to control and mitigate the issue before it escalates into further serious implications. Thus, with territorial stability and security being India’s imperative, it becomes the responsibility of the government to tackle these threats which calls for cooperation, strengthening intelligence networks, joint patrols and enhancing maritime surveillance capabilities to improve response mechanisms for countering transnational crimes in the Indian Ocean region.

5. Energy Security

Being the world’s 3^rd largest importer of crude oil, India’s oil imports from the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) [5] constitutes 85 percent of total crude imports and 94 percent of the gas imports [4]. Additionally, 3.28 million barrels per day—or nearly 80 percent of India’s crude oil requirement—is imported by sea via the Indian Ocean [6]. Furthermore, 39 of the 46 hydrocarbon projects (for exploration) operated by India are within coastal countries, which means that in case of an emergency, the navy would be responsible for providing security. Thus, to satiate its quest for energy security it is incumbent for India to amicably secure the energy resources and diplomatic partnerships in the IOR.

6. Trade and Commerce

India is a rapidly growing economy. According to the Observatory of Economic Complexity, Indian exports amounted to $403 billion making it the 14^th exporter across the globe. Furthermore, the growing population has led to an increase in consumer demand across the globe, creating new potential markets for Indian exports. Goods and commodities such as Indian textiles, apparel, jewellery, leather products, rice, spices, etc. are high in demand and can bring in substantial revenue and helping to boost the ‘Make in India’ campaign. Thus, securing sea lines of communication and ensuring peaceful maritime trade becomes a priority.

7. Indian Diaspora

The Indian diaspora is the largest overseas diaspora and is scattered across the globe. Therefore, maritime diplomacy becomes important and valuable in establishing favourable relationships with India’s global counterparts to establish a safe passage and secure the well-being of the Indian diaspora abroad during any crisis. Moreover, in case of emergencies, there might arise a need to evacuate the Indians abroad where the navy proves to be the largest, safest and most steadfast means of evacuation.

During the Covid-19 pandemic, the Indian Navy conducted Operation Samudra Setu to bring back its citizens stranded abroad. Thus, maritime diplomacy becomes relevant to secure the safe passage of the Indian populace in contingent situations. The amphibian capabilities of the Navy not only give them an edge in safely evacuating citizens but also in providing relief and assistance to crisis-affected areas.

Thus, when it comes to achieving India’s Bluewater ambitions, SAGAR is a holistic and inclusive vision with politico-economic-security cooperation. It envisions various aspects such as security, development, infrastructure, and trade in India’s maritime strategy and stresses achieving growth and prosperity by building resilient and formidable partnerships. It acknowledges the need for a pragmatic and robust maritime policy and infrastructure to ensure territorial sovereignty and national interest thereby encouraging and supporting India’s role as the net security provider in the region.

It not only ensures the security and growth of the stakeholders but also actively engages them through collaborative efforts and capacity building to commit to regional maritime growth and stability. The key relevance of SAGAR emerges when seen in conjunction with India’s other policies impacting the maritime domain like Act East Policy, Project Sagarmala, Project Mausam, India as ‘net security provider’ and its focus on Blue Economy, etc. which symbolise India’s maritime resurgence [3]. Thus, SAGAR ensures India’s smooth cooperation with its global counterparts by allying them towards a common cause thereby building a positive environment in the IOR.

SAGAR (Security and Growth for All in the Region) in Action

Although there has been no official mention of SAGAR as a policy, various initiatives by the government such as “Ensuring Secure Seas: Indian Maritime Security Strategy”, a Maritime Strategy released by the Indian Navy, Maritime Vision 2030, Sagarmala project, etc. embody it in spirit. This not only proves a renewed focus on India’s Maritime Security needs in the IOR but also highlights capacity building, developing infrastructure, and technological advancements to achieve India’s Bluewater ambitions.

Let us take a look at how SAGAR has been influencing the government’s outlook in the maritime sphere.

1. Sagarmala

With the intensions of promoting internal development driven by port and maritime infrastructure, ‘Sagarmala’ is the flagship program launched in 2016 by the then Ministry of Shipping now renamed as Ministry of Ports, Shipping and Waterways. Aimed at developing maritime infrastructure and policy mechanisms, it leverages India’s long coastline, navigable waterways, and strategic location in the IOR to boost maritime activities. The primary objective of the project is to reduce logistics costs for EXIM and domestic trade with low key investments in infrastructure.

2. Maritime Vision 2030

Aiming to cement India’s position of eminence in the global maritime sector, Maritime Vision 2030, is a ten year roadmap for the maritime sector released by the government of India in November 2020. MIV 2030 delineates more port-led industrilisation, enhancing operational efficiency, and establishing secure, sustainable and advanced port-infrastructure. These initiatives aim to cater to the increasing trade volumes, curtail logistics costs and faster evacuation methods by the conjecture of Infrastructure, technology and policy.

3. Act East Policy

As a part of its Act East Policy, India has been scaling up its naval joint patrol exercises and missions in the IOR and has ramped up its cooperation with the ASEAN nations in this effort. As a growing power in India is keen to step out of its comfort zone and venture into deep waters to create a robust and resilient naval mechanism to secure its waters. The Indian Navy already conducts friendly bilateral and trilateral exercises with Singapore, Thailand, Indonesia, and other littoral states but a joint exercise with ASEAN indicates India’s active pursuit of naval co-operation via its “Act East Policy.”

4. Project Mausam

To revive the ancient cultural ties with its IOR neighbours, India has launched Project Mausam which at the micro level, focuses on understanding national cultures in their regional maritime milieu [11].

5. Diplomatic Engagements

To maintain a stronger naval presence, India has been expanding its influence via socio-economic partnerships, security pacts, cooperation and agreements. India’s tactful diplomacy has enabled access to important ports in the IOR such as the Chabahar port (Iran), Changi naval base (Singapore), Sabang port (Indonesia) and Duqm port (Oman).

6. Humanitarian Assistance and Disaster Relief (HADR)

Be it cyclone Dianne in Madagascar, escorting food shipments to Kenya and Somalia under the World Food Programme (UN WFP); assisting the Government of Mauritius in salvaging operations of grounded Merchant Ship Wakashio, coordinating firefighting, salvaging and towing operations of New Diamond, a fire-stricken oil tanker off the eastern Sri Lankan coast, Indian Naval ships have been the ‘first responders.’

During the pandemic, Mission Sagar was launched to provide COVID-19 related assistance to the island nations of Maldives, Mauritius, Madagascar, Comoros and Seychelles [12]. Under the initiative, in May 2020, India dispatched the INS Kesari carrying 600 tons of food items, two medical assistance teams and essential medicines to the Southern Indian Ocean countries.

7. Joint Maritime Operations and Exercises

India regularly engages in multiple joint operations and bilateral/multilateral maritime exercises with its maritime counterparts. Samudra Shakti exercise with Indonesia and SLINEX with Sri Lanka were few notable examples. Aimed at enhancing interoperability, mutually exchanging best practices, and facilitating naval collaboration, these shared efforts form the substratum of trust and cooperation between the participating nations.

8. Technological Advancements

The strategic nature of threats in the IOR has underscored the importance of technology in expanding naval offensive and defensive capabilities [13]. Hence, to improve the war capabilities of the Indian Navy with resilient indigenous technological ecosystem, the INIP (Indian Naval Indigenisation Plan) 2015-2030 is formulated to upgrade the state-of-art with high-end technologies [13]. After undergoing an extensive refit from December 2020, INS Vikramaditya returned to active service in February 2023 [12] re-enabling India to conduct twin carrier operations.

SAGAR as a Comprehensive and Inclusive Framework

Striving on the motto “Vasudhaiva Kutumbakam”(The world is one big family) SAGAR is a comprehensive and inclusive vision and geopolitical framework of maritime cooperation. Under its umbrella, it not only focuses on strategic operations such as combat, intel sharing, surveillance and monitoring but also on other aspects of maritime security such as humanitarian aid & relief, rescue operations and other aspects such as trade and infrastructure and sustainability.

Under its strategic initiatives, India has implemented an Integrated Coastal Surveillance System and sponsored coastal radar systems in numerous IOR countries such as Seychelles, Mauritius and Maldives including providing patrol vessels. India also conducts regular bilateral and multilateral combat exercises and joint patrol exercises with its counterparts to boost regional security. India has also signed a “Shared Vision of India-Indonesia Maritime Cooperation in the Indo-Pacific” treaty with Indonesia in 2018.

Since its proposition in 2015, India has also completed several rescue missions, the recent ones involving the hijacked fishing vessel Al Naemi and Iranian-flagged fishing vessel FV Iman near the Gulf of Aden. India has also completed evacuations and HADR missions during the COVID-19 pandemic by commissioning Operation Samudra Setu and deploying INS Kesari for a relief mission to assist Mauritius, Maldives, Madagascar, Comoros, and Seychelles. Employing all its naval constabularies such as the Indian Navy including its special forces, MARCOS (Marine Commandos) and Indian Coast Guard, the country has shown unwavering commitment to ensuring stability and providing security to the region.

Challenges to SAGAR

1. Capacity of Execution

Compared to China, India’s capacity for execution constrained by the lack of financial, human and infrastructural resources. Although, India has the capability to offer maritime assets to other littoral states it has limited capacity to execute them [14]. Hence, this gives China an edge over India since it can provide greater investments and infrastructure without much delay.

2. Another shortcoming in SAGAR policy is the lack of engagement of private sector along the lines of the initiative as well as engagement of multiple players, duplication of actions, as well as regional dependence on international navies [14]. Tackling this would require a resilient economy and a strong private sector incentivised to take entrepreneurial risks.

3. Owing to the ‘String of Pearls’ and its debt diplomacy, China has been forcing its way into the IOR region. Thus, with the Indo-Pacific evolving as the colosseum of 21^st century geopolitics, India will have to reassess its plan and carefully curate its strategy to favourably balance the powers in the IOR and secure the SLOCs.

4. Non-State Actors

Illegal activities by non-state actors such as piracy, drug peddling, sex trafficking etc. can severely endanger maritime security and undermine stability in the region. India will have to deploy meticulous and time-efficient monitoring and control mechanisms. Amidst the rising global tensions, the Recent hijacking of MV Lila Norfolk and the attack on Europe-bound shipments by the Yemen-based Houthis who have been actively operating in the Gulf of Aden has drawn attention to the role of non-state actors in the maritime domain. Thus, India needs to ramp up its capabilities to deal with the menace of hostile non-state actors.

5. Over-Exploitation

Since SAGAR creates an environment of complex interdependence amongst nations, they may adopt a ‘Global Commons’ approach (everyone’s property is no one’s responsibility) resulting in over-exploitation of marine resources thereby endangering marine life and ecosystems.

6. Climate Change

Formulation of a strategy taking into sight the environmental impacts on infrastructure, marine resources and coastal communities, ensuring equitable and sustainable development will be a huge challenge for India.

7. Import Dependency

The Indian Navy is heavily dependent on imports resulting in its inability to maintain an adequate fleet. More specifically, the inadequate size of the shipbuilding industry, port handling facilities, connectivity, and the size of the fleet indicates the shortcomings of India’s maritime strategy [15].

8. State Actors

State authorities of the coastal areas play a significant role in implementing maritime policies devised by the centre. However, the centre-state divide due to political differences coupled with the relative autonomy of the state adversely impacts policy implementation. States like Tamil Nadu and West Bengal having government that does not align with the goals of central government are usually the epicentre of such troubles. One such recent incident occurred when Tamil Nadu Chief Minister, M. K. Stalin rallied coastal states in opposition to the Indian Ports Bill, 2021.

The occurrence of other such incidents is not surprising and hence measures should be taken to mitigate the impact on maritime security and conflict resolution expediently. Thus, to bring SAGAR to actuality, the synergy of the state and the centre will play a crucial role.

Conclusion

As a developing nation, India has a lot of potential and multiple challenges to deal with in the maritime sector. But dealing with these challenges will require time and a well-structured and integrated maritime strategy.

SAGAR represents a nexus of maritime cooperation, naval security along with economic development [16] and there is no doubt that it is crucial for achieving India’s Bluewater ambitions. It not only bridges a serious policy vacuum but also connects the dots between maritime security, maritime cooperation, and the blue economy underscoring their interdependence. However, it needs to be developed further to include the coastal guards and other such agencies, develop legal frameworks for maritime governance, improve underwater capabilities and leverage regional multilateral institutions such as the IOC and IORA.

India believes that it is only through collective, collaborative and cooperative approaches that peace can be advanced in the region [3] and will continue to engage with other nations through dialogue, visits, naval exercises, capacity building, capability enhancement, and economic partnerships following SAGAR’s roadmap to maritime development.

References

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Acknowledgements

Phadke Journal of Strategic Studies sincerely thank Mr. Anirudh Phadke, Editor-in-Chief of The Viyug for supporting by funding which enabled dissemination of this research paper as an Open Access (OA) publication. Phadke Journal of Strategic Studies also sincerely thanks anonymous reviewers for their contribution to the peer review of this work.

Additional Information

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About the Author

Simultaneously, she also served as a Project Associate at the Indian Forum of Public Diplomacy (IFPD), contributing to the planning and execution of the organisation’s podcast series, “Diplomacy Spotlight Dialogue.” She completed a diploma in International Relations and Diplomacy from the Indian Institute of Governance and Leadership, Delhi. These experiences, along with her academic pursuits, reflect her commitment to a holistic approach and interdisciplinary approach to learning.

Ipsha has a versatile skill set encompassing content writing, public speaking, and graphic design.

Competing Interests

The author declares no competing interests.

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